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THE NEW YORK TIMES
May 11, 2013
The Long Shadow of Bad Credit in a Job Search
By GARY RIVLIN
THE first couple of times Alfred J. Carpenter was turned down for a job, he didn’t know what to think.
He been laid off early in the recession and then had the bad fortune of tearing tendons in his knee just when he didn’t have health insurance. The job market was terrible and he had been out of work for more than a year. But the managers at the first two shoe stores to which he applied in the summer of 2010 seemed to be taken by his résumé. He had sold shoes for six years at Salvatore Ferragamo on Fifth Avenue and later at J. M. Weston, where a pair of men’s dress shoes can cost $2,000. The manager at one shop was already discussing salary. The other, he said, invited him to fill out the paperwork normally done on the first day on a job.
“Who does that if they’re not planning on hiring you?” Mr. Carpenter asked.
Yet neither job materialized. One manager, he said, “basically hung up on me.”
A friend at Bergdorf Goodman, the high-end clothier, secured him an interview for an opening in the shoe department. But when Mr. Carpenter confided to his friend that his finances were a mess, “he tells me, ‘Oh, you’ve got bad credit? They’ll never hire you.’ ” Sure enough, a week or two later, Mr. Carpenter said, he received a notice from Bergdorf informing him that while running a credit check, the store found information that played a role in its hiring decision. It was a so-called adverse action letter that by law a business conducting a credit report is supposed to send to an applicant.
Mr. Carpenter kept applying for jobs and kept checking off the box granting his would-be employer permission to look into his past. And he kept being turned down. There was the recession and there may have been dozens of applicants for each of these jobs. But while Bergdorf was the only company to follow up a job rejection with an adverse action letter, Mr. Carpenter became convinced that his credit report was a curse.
“No one lets me explain, ‘Hey, I had this freak injury when I didn’t have health insurance,’ ” he said. “It’s black and white: ‘You have these bad marks on your record, you don’t get hired.’ ” Down to his last $200, he applied for and was granted food stamps and federal housing assistance.
“There’s no reason,” he said, “a strong, able guy like me should have to go on welfare.”
PEOPLE tend to think of banks and other lenders as the main users of credit reports. But over the last several decades, credit reporting bureaus have been selling their services to a much wider range of buyers.
“Credit reports are really seeping into the soil,” said Sarah Ludwig, co-director of the Neighborhood Economic Development Advocacy Project, a New York-based nonprofit. “It’s taken an outsized role in employment, housing and insurance.”
For those seeking a job, it can lead to what Chi Chi Wu, a staff lawyer at the National Consumer Law Center in Boston, calls “a bizarre, Kafkaesque experience.”
“Someone loses their job,” Ms. Wu said, “so they can’t pay their bills — and now they can’t get a job because they couldn’t pay their bills because they lost a job? It’s this Catch-22 that makes no sense.” It can also be a kind of backdoor job discrimination, Ms. Wu contends, given the numerous studies that demonstrate that those black, Latino or simply poor are more likely to have lower credit scores than those who are white and have means.
Experian, one of the big three credit reporting bureaus, states in its marketing materials, “Credit information provides insight into an applicant’s integrity and responsibility toward his or her financial obligations.”
But to Ms. Wu and others, a credit report says more about a person’s economic circumstances than his or her moral character. “Some people can go to daddy and say, ‘I can’t pay my bills, will you bail me out?’ ” Ms. Wu said. “And others can’t.”
Nearly half — 47 percent — of employers use credit checks when making a hiring decision, according to a 2012 survey by the Society for Human Resource Management. Most businesses use credit checks only to screen for certain positions, but one in eight, the survey found, does a credit check before every hire. “We’ve heard from dozens of people over the past several years who say they’re being denied jobs specifically because of a credit check,” Ms. Ludwig said. The people contacting her group, she said, are “mostly lower-wage workers,” especially those applying to big retail chains.
“Prohibiting the use of credit checks in employment is now our number one campaign,” Ms. Ludwig said. “Because it’s discriminatory. And because the last thing we need in a recession is another barrier to employment.”
Lawmakers in some jurisdictions have proved sympathetic to those arguments. Nine states have adopted legislation that curbs the use of credit reports to judge prospective hires — seven of them since the start of 2010. Representative Steve Cohen, Democrat from Tennessee, has sponsored federal legislation that would restrict their use. The New York Legislature and the New York City Council are considering strict new laws that would greatly limit an employer’s ability to do credit screening.
Advocates and lawmakers are already seeing the impact of their efforts. The Society for Human Resource Management started polling members about use of credit reports as a pre-employment tool in 2004. Over the years, the numbers were consistent: six in 10 businesses indicated that they used them. But in its most recent survey in 2012, that number fell to just below five in 10. That decline no doubt is the result, in part, of new state prohibitions and the attention the issue has received in the last few years, said Kate Kennedy, a spokeswoman for the society. But she also notes that her association has been educating its members in the importance of looking at “how relevant a credit check is for a particular position.”
That is bad news for the big three credit reporting bureaus: Experian, TransUnion and Equifax. But how bad is anyone’s guess. None of the three reveal what portion of overall revenue is derived from employment-related credit checks. Even if they did, the number would only offer a partial picture, said Terry W. Clemans, executive director of the National Consumer Reporting Association, an industry trade group based in Roselle, Ill. “There are several hundred companies out there that specialize in employment screenings,” he said.
Mr. Clemans saw the rapid increase of employment screening through the 1990s and into the 2000s, and considers the rising concern about its use in the last few years “hysteria.” “Credit is one data point that businesses are using to get an overall feel,” Mr. Clemans said. “Does this consumer have a lifestyle that fits the job? Is this someone who I can trust?” It is not the only factor.
“People are assuming because they checked that box agreeing to a consumer report and they were late in paying their Visa bills, that’s why they didn’t get a job,” Mr. Clemans said. It’s easier to blame the credit bureaus, in other words, than to accept that you weren’t the best possible candidate.
STEVEN BURMAN is the founder and president of Credit Advocates, a nonprofit in New York that helps consumers who have credit problems. In the past, people who were rejected for bad credit for a job in financial services might show up for help, but by and large his clients were trying to secure a home loan.
“What’s changed over the last four or five years is now I’m hearing from all these people who are concerned about finding work,” he said. And instead of stockbrokers, Mr. Burman is seeing “regular people looking for blue-collar low-wage jobs” such as security guard or retail clerk.
The problem is most pronounced among women he counsels at a homeless shelter in the Bronx. Those clients are almost all out-of-work single mothers. “They all want to do the right thing,” he said. “But they have terrible credit and none of them can get jobs because of it. It’s a vicious cycle.”
Despite his sympathy for his clients, Mr. Burman told me that he never makes a full-time hire at Credit Advocates without first pulling that person’s credit report. An employee dealing with bill collectors could be a distracted worker, he said. And how financial problems are explained could offer insights into an applicant’s character: Does he take responsibility for debts, or does she blame problems on someone or something else?
“I see it as the start of a dialogue,” he said.
Besides, a credit check is relatively inexpensive. A basic employment screening package can cost $19 to $50 per applicant. “If you have five people and can’t make up your mind, why not pull credit reports?” Mr. Burman asked.
The millions of Americans who saw their credit damaged during the financial crisis in 2008, however, might find Mr. Burman’s rationale unfair.
Gustavo Panesso, a man in his 50s who lives in Queens, was driving to his orientation to be a sales associate at the J. Crew store in Rockefeller Center in August 2010, he said, when his cellphone rang. “It was the man who was supposed to be my supervisor,” Mr. Panesso said. “He tells me, ‘Gustavo, I regret to say that we’re going to have to cancel your orientation because there was a problem with your credit report.’ ”
In Mr. Panesso’s case, the trouble was related to a pair of credit cards he had co-signed for his sister; she had lost her job a few years earlier and the cards were in default. He tried explaining the situation to his would-be bosses, and even hired a lawyer, “but they told me unless I cleared up this discrepancy, we can’t hire you.”
Moreover, credit reports are often inaccurate. In February, the Federal Trade Commission released a report indicating that one in four consumers was likely to find at least one mistake in his or her credit report.
Mr. Panesso was rejected for jobs at several more big national retail chains. But J. Crew, he said, was the only business to send him an adverse action letter. Did that mean the others rejected his application for other reasons? It’s impossible to know for sure.
Amy Traub, a senior policy analyst at the liberal-leaning policy group Demos, and the author of “Discredited: How Employment Credit Checks Keep Qualified Workers Out of a Job,” a report released in March, says that the law requiring an adverse action letter is rarely enforced. “We found that many employers don’t” send them, Ms. Traub said.
Mr. Panesso now picks up odd jobs when he can find them. “Quite frankly,” he said, “I gave up.”
ALFRED CARPENTER, the shoe salesman, can relate. Now a fit man in his 50s, he lives in Bensonhurst, Brooklyn, where he grew up. After graduating with a two-year associate’s degree from Kingsborough Community College, he worked his way up in the shoe business, landing at Ferragamo. In a good year, he said, he would earn $60,000 to $70,000.
In his mid-30s, he quit Ferragamo to study acting. But after two years of trying to catch his big break, he ran out of money and, in 1999, he returned to selling shoes. In 2007 he took a job at Paul & Shark, a store specializing in yachting clothes. In August 2007, four months after he started, Mr. Carpenter was laid off. Not appreciating the size of the economic cataclysm that was about to rock the globe, he decided to take several months off before looking for another job.
“I figured with my résumé, I’d get another job easy,” he said. He also decided he wasn’t going to waste money buying health insurance. “I’m a healthy guy,” he said. “And it was too expensive.”
One day, playing in his regular Saturday morning roller hockey game, he ripped the tendons in one knee. The medical bills — the ambulance, the surgery, rehabilitation — piled up. “Every time I’d open my mailbox,” Mr. Carpenter said, “there’d be another six or seven bills.” A clerk in the hospital’s billing department suggested that he could wipe out his nearly $50,000 in medical costs by filing for bankruptcy.
Sitting at a metal table in his kitchen, he held up the final bankruptcy notice. “This is the cause of all my problems,” he declared. “Without this, I could’ve worked anywhere in the city. I would have had a hundred jobs.”
Mr. Carpenter would try talking to the employers who turned him down. “Was it the bankruptcy?” he would ask. But he never got a satisfying answer, just hemming and hawing. “I could hear it in their voice,” Mr. Carpenter said. After a while, he tried pre-emptively bringing up the bankruptcy in interviews, but that only led to more awkwardness.
Luckily, Mr. Carpenter said, he still lived in the rent-controlled apartment in which he grew up. The monthly rent was $600 and he was able to split the cost with a roommate once things turned bad. The federal assistance amounted to $400 or so a month. But even then he feared ending up homeless, worried that he would never find another job.
“I tell the woman my story during intake,” Mr. Carpenter said about his visit to apply for food stamps and other aid. “And she goes, ‘We hear that story all the time, about the credit.’ She said, ‘Yeah, we know, if you’ve got bad credit, you’re not getting a job.’ ”
SOME jobs require a credit check by law. Depending on the state, that includes positions as teachers, police officers, firefighters and day care operators, said Ms. Kennedy at the human resource society.
Most of the state laws curbing the use of credit reports as an employment screen carve out exceptions for people applying for supervisory positions or executive positions inside a financial institution. Mr. Cohen’s House bill creates exemptions for those seeking a national security clearance.
But what about everyone else?
Companies that use credit reports as an employment screen seem generally reluctant to talk about how or why they use them. Bergdorf Goodman declined to comment, as did several other retailers who rejected Mr. Carpenter for a position. A J. Crew representative said that the company stopped reviewing credit reports in 2012.
“Employers are looking for a sense of responsibility,” said Richard Mellor, a vice president at the National Retail Federation. “They want to see that an individual pays their bills on time and takes responsibility for what they buy.”
The Web site of a pre-employment screening company, Info Cubic, says, “A credit report can be an important indicator of financial responsibility for employees with fiduciary or cash handling responsibilities, access to expensive equipment, other people’s property, or otherwise placed in a position of financial trust.”
Experian’s pitch is more ominous: “Every time you hire a new employee you put a lot on the line,” says a company brochure. “The wrong decision could jeopardize your firm’s assets, reputation, or security.”
Consumer advocates say that there is little evidence for the industry’s claims of a connection between a credit report and an employee’s trustworthiness. One study published in 2008 in the International Journal of Selection and Assessment suggested a correlation between a person’s financial history and workplace theft. But a 2011 study in the Journal of Applied Psychology found no link between a person’s credit score and what it called “deviant” behavior like workplace theft. (It did, however, find a correlation between a low credit score and an agreeable personality.)
Critics also have the testimony of the TransUnion official who told the Oregon Legislature in 2010, “We don’t have any research to show any statistical correlation between what’s in somebody’s credit report and their job performance or their likelihood to commit fraud.”
“As a researcher, I’d like to think that if about half of all employers are doing this, they must have some real evidence that it’s valuable,” said Ms. Traub of Demos. “But in this case that evidence is really lacking.”
MR. CARPENTER finally landed a job at the end of 2011. He caught a break after he confided his troubles to a friend in the shoe business. The friend, too, had credit problems but had found work at a Manhattan shoe store. Mr. Carpenter secured a job there and, last fall, he moved to another store where the pay was better. “I’m happy,” he said, but he also feels shellshocked.
“I have this accident and mess up my credit,” Mr. Carpenter said, “and now I’m the guy people don’t see as trustworthy.”
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REUTERS
Special Report: Cheap money bankrolls Wall Street's bet on housing
Thu, May 2 2013
By Matthew Goldstein
LAS VEGAS (Reuters) - Michael Marchillo, a plumber, has been trying and failing for months to buy a bigger home for his family here in Sin City. He was pre-qualified by a bank for a $130,000 mortgage, which a year ago would have landed a typical three-bedroom home in the area. No more. Now, the 36-year-old says, it's hard to compete with "greedy investors" who come to the table flush with cash for quick deals.
Marchillo is on to something. The once-beleaguered Las Vegas housing market has been on fire since investment firms led by Blackstone Group LP, Colony Capital and American Homes 4 Rent began buying homes here some eight months ago, backed by $8 billion in investor cash to spend nationally.
These big investors and a handful of others have bought at least 55,000 single-family homes across the U.S. in the past year. In the Vegas area alone, they have accounted for at least 10 percent of the homes sold since January 2012, according to a Reuters analysis of housing transactions.
That added firepower helps explain why home prices in this metropolitan area of 2 million people are up 30 percent over a year ago, far more than the national average of 10 percent. Permits for new home construction are up 50 percent, twice the national average.
Local real-estate broker Fafie Moore says private-equity firms and hedge funds have largely "crowded out" local buyers like Marchillo. That's because the investment firms have broadened beyond their initial focus - buying homes at foreclosure auctions. Now, they are also bidding for homes listed by private owners and banks. In a sign of how freely the money is flowing, Moore notes around 60 percent of all sales are in cash these days.
Fellow broker Trish Nash says she has seen cases where a home gets listed and quickly draws a dozen bids, many in cash. Realtors are talking about a mini-bubble forming here.
"There is an artificial appreciation in our market," says Nash. "I know (the big investors) say they aren't going to be flippers, but for them it is all about the bottom line."
BLOWING BUBBLES
Las Vegas would seem a highly unlikely locale for a new housing bubble. There are at least 20,000 homes in some stage of foreclosure, and the jobless rate hovers near 10 percent, some two points above the U.S. average. A healthy housing market depends on people having good-paying jobs so they can accumulate down payments and finance their mortgages.
But the surge here has another origin: the Federal Reserve's continuing push to buttress growth in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, itself the product of the bursting of a much larger housing bubble.
The central bank is pumping the economy full of cash by buying assets such as U.S. government bonds and mortgage securities. Added demand for those assets is pushing their prices up, and hence their yields down. That's encouraging people to put cheap credit to work at riskier activities that can spur growth - for instance, buying shares in new companies, investing in oil wells or renovating houses.
Prodding investors further out on the so-called risk curve is part of what the monetary mandarins had in mind. But in treating the consequences of the last bubble, the Fed is now spawning new, smaller manias like the Vegas rental rush.
Why Vegas in particular? The market tantalized investors because the crash was so deep here. Even after the recent bounce, prices today are 56 percent below where they were before the bust. The thought was that any recovery would mean easy money. The dry climate makes for lower maintenance costs, too. Similar logic applied to other beaten-down sunbelt cities.
Not everyone is a believer. "The Vegas housing market has only firmed because of speculators," said Jason Ader, a New York money manager and former Wall Street casino analyst who invested in foreclosed homes in Phoenix a year ago but bypassed Vegas. "Vegas is only doing well for now because of the greater-fool theory" - the belief that even if an investment is iffy, you can sell it at a gain to someone else. That kind of thinking is typical of bubbles.
Cracks are showing in Vegas and beyond. Here, rents on single-family homes were down an average of 1.9 percent in March from a year ago. In other regions targeted by institutional buyers, such as Phoenix, Southern California, Atlanta and Florida, rents are either falling or flat, according to online real estate service Trulia.
It's also taking longer than planned for institutional buyers to hire contractors, renovate the acquired homes and get them rented out. Industry insiders estimate that roughly half of the more than 55,000 homes acquired by institutions over the past year in the U.S. have yet to be rented.
The combination of rising acquisition costs, prolonged rental lead times and declining rental income is disrupting the spread-sheet analysis behind Wall Street's bet. That could pose problems for what once seemed like a slam dunk. It could also give pause to stock-market investors as some players list their shares. American Homes 4 Rent, based in Malibu, Calif., has said it expects to file soon for an initial public offering.
"I think it's a little late to start investing in single-family homes, because some of these larger firms are price-indiscriminate, and pushing prices up," says Philip Barach, president and co-founder of DoubleLine Capital, a fixed-income mutual-fund firm with $56 billion under management. DoubleLine reviewed the foreclosed-home trade a year ago but passed on it. "In some markets," Barach says, "they are the only bidders."
TO FLIP OR NOT TO FLIP
What excited Wall Street in late 2011 was the prospect of getting homes at 30 to 40 percent discounts, using a combination of investor dollars and cheap financing made possible by the Fed's easy-money policies. The gross annual rental return envisioned on a $100,000 home ranged from 14 percent to 27 percent, depending on the mix of investor dollars and cheap financing. That didn't include expected annual returns as high as 10 percent from the appreciation in home values.
Those projected returns are eye-popping, considering that the yield on the 10-year Treasury bond is 1.70 percent and big investors can borrow at between 3 and 4 percent.
The calculus: With millions of Americans coming out of the housing crisis unable to get a mortgage because of dented credit histories, renting would be the only option. In a few years, after repairing their credit scores, many of those renters would be buyers.
That was then. Now, some investors are exiting the market, scaling back or dialing down expectations.
Early last year, Oaktree Capital Management agreed to provide up to $450 million in equity to real estate investment firm Carrington Capital Management for its foreclosed-home acquisition program. Carrington was projecting an internal rate of return of 25 percent over a three-year period for its portfolio of single-family homes in several cities, according to a marketing document.
Oaktree is now reluctant to commit more money to the trade after souring on the buy-to-rent strategy, said people familiar with the firms. Oaktree saw returns on rents compress and no longer is comfortable with Carrington's initial heady yield projections, they said.
In October, hedge fund Och-Ziff Capital Management Group cited a narrowing in rental income for its decision to put its book of 300 homes in Northern California up for sale — a process it has just about completed.
"The math for investors is looking very different," said Jed Kolko, Trulia's chief economist.
Vegas home prices are up 30 percent over the past year, with the median home now selling for $161,000, according to the Greater Las Vegas Association of Realtors. Much of that appreciation has come since June, when the institutional buyers began to make their presence known.
Blackstone, which entered the Vegas market in November, has bought over 400 homes at foreclosure auctions, from banks and private listings. Nationally, the private equity firm has bought over 24,000 homes. It is using a combination of $3 billion in investor dollars and a $2.1 billion line of credit arranged by Deutsche Bank.
In Vegas, Blackstone is making up for a slow start. Local realtors Moore and Nash said they've begun getting calls from Blackstone, asking them to contact the firm if pending sales fall through. Colony is buying some newly built homes because of the limited supply of foreclosed homes.
Representatives for Blackstone and Colony said they are not daunted by the slump in rents or delays in readying units for tenants in the half-dozen markets they are largely buying in. The firms said they aren't buying foreclosed homes to flip them and are committed to building out subsidiaries that manage and rent single-family houses.
"This is more of a marathon than a sprint," said Paul Fuhrman, chief investment officer of Colony's single-family home subsidiary, which has acquired more than 8,000 homes.
Marcus Ridgway, the new chief operating officer of Blackstone's Invitation Homes subsidiary, said his firm's strategy doesn't rest on the performance "of one single market, and can rely on other markets to balance returns."
American Homes, which has bought at least 14,000 homes nationally, did not respond to requests for comment.
The Vegas market has unsteady legs. Statistics compiled by the University of Nevada at Las Vegas show some 40,000 homes are largely vacant - 8 percent of the metropolitan area's single-family housing stock. Housing research firm RealtyTrac estimates there are 20,000 single-family homes in the metro area either owned by a bank or in some stage of foreclosure.
Some 52 percent of all homeowners still owe more on their mortgages than their residences are worth, more than any other state, according to CoreLogic. It's even worse in some neighborhoods. An analysis by RealtyTrac for Reuters found that in about half of the zip codes in the Vegas metropolitan area, at least 70 percent of homeowners not in foreclosure were under water on their mortgages.
Economists say with unemployment in Nevada at 9.7 percent, there's not much real growth underpinning the surge in home prices and new construction.
A big source of the buying is the big guys. Between them, Blackstone, Colony, American Homes and a joint venture involving Apollo Global Management and Haven Realty Capital have acquired more than 1,500 homes in Las Vegas. A half-dozen smaller investment firms are also buying homes.
Much of the buying is in a crescent that begins in North Las Vegas and runs along the city's western and southern edges. This is where some of the newest homes have been built and where price appreciation has tended to be greatest, realty records show.
With Vegas largely dependent on gambling, tourism and conventions for growth - discretionary spending that tends to recover last — it's unclear whether the city can support broader buying.
"Betting on home appreciation is not a sure thing," said Yale University economics professor Robert Shiller, one of the designers of the S&P Case-Shiller Index, which tracks housing sales and prices. "Right now we have the Fed with a massive subsidy to the housing market, but you can't have a housing recovery without a jobs recovery."
CASINOS AND SCORPIONS
It's not all gloom. Gambling revenues are up over last year. Boosters point to the recent acquisition of the long-stalled Echelon casino and resort complex — one of several unfinished eyesores on the Las Vegas Strip — by a Malaysian gaming company for $350 million. Many also are banking on a plan by Tony Hsieh, founder of Zappos, to move the online shoe retailer from the nearby town of Henderson, Nev., to downtown Vegas and pour in some $350 million to create a tech incubator.
Another selling point: The city has a young housing stock, and so properties require fewer renovation dollars than homes in most other battered markets. Vacant homes tend to fare better in a desert climate such as Nevada's, too - though some investors say scorpions nesting in empty homes are a problem. And since most homes have rock gardens rather than lawns, landscaping costs are low.
In homes that don't need major surgery, institutional buyers are spending between $10,000 and $15,000 on kitchen appliances, granite countertops, carpets and a paint job. In markets with older homes, renovations can cost $25,000.
One spot the institutional buyers are targeting is Enterprise, an unincorporated town in Clark County. With a population of 108,000, Enterprise, formed only in 1996, has lots of new homes. In 2000, the town had just 15,000 residents. So far, big investors have bought more than 150 houses there, according to county property records, in many cases buying several places on the same street.
Kathryn Kay Chapman, a 47-year-old project manager, rents a two-bedroom house here with her boyfriend and has been looking to purchase a place nearby. Neither can qualify for a loan because of tarnished credit histories, so they decided to buy at a foreclosure auction.
The couple scraped together enough cash to make a bid on a three-bedroom home they've been eyeing. Their sweet spot: between $120,000 and $140,000.
On April 22, the house came on the block at one of the auctions held each day in the parking lot of the Nevada Legal News, a few blocks from the Strip. The bidding began at $97,200. But the couple had made a beginner's mistake: Their cashier's check was found to be improperly drawn and they couldn't participate.
It likely wouldn't have made a difference. The place sold for $155,000, above their limit. Chapman says they may try again, though she suspects they'll be outgunned.
"We know there is a minute chance we get anything," she says. "The most frustrating part of all this is how home prices keep going up and up, yet you have so many empty homes."
(Reporting by Matthew Goldstein, editing by Michael Williams and John Blanton)
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Op-Ed Contributor
The Tyranny of the Billable Hour
By STEVEN J. HARPER
Published: March 28, 2013
THAT bill shall know no limits,” wroteone DLA Piper lawyer to another in 2010 in what the firm is now calling “unfortunate banter” between associates about work for a client. But what is truly unfortunate is the underlying billable-hour regime and the law-firm culture it has spawned.
Lost in the furor surrounding one large firm’s current public relations headache are deeper problems that go to the heart of the prevailing big law-firm business model itself. Regrettably, as with previous episodes that have produced high-profile scandals, the present outcry will probably pass and the billable hour will endure.
It shouldn’t. The billable-hour system is the way most lawyers in big firms charge clients, but it serves no one. Well, almost no one. It brings most equity partners in those firms great wealth. Law firm leaders call it a leveraged pyramid. Most associates call it a living hell.
In a typical large firm, associates earn far less than the client revenues they generate. For example, a client receives an invoice totaling the number of hours each lawyer spends on the client’s matters, multiplied by the lawyer’s hourly rate, say $400 for a junior associate. Most big firms require associates to bill at least 1,900 hours a year, according to a survey last year by NALP, the Association for Legal Career Professionals.
In 2009, DLA Piper announced that it had eliminated associates’ billable-hour requirements in favor of a performance-based reward system. However, the firm’s submission for the association’s current NALP Directory of Legal Employers reports that it has a “minimum billable hour expectation.” In 2011, DLA Piper’s “average annual associate hours worked” (both billable and nonbillable) was 2,462; the billable average was 1,831.
At $400 an hour, a hypothetical 2,000-hour-a-year associate generates $800,000 a year for the firm. But the firm typically pays the salaried lawyer one-fourth of that amount or less.
For associates, the goal is simple: meet the required (or expected) minimum number of billable hours to qualify for annual bonuses and salary increases. Billing 2,000 hours a year isn’t easy. It typically takes at least 50 hours a week to bill an honest 40 hours to a client. Add commuting time, bathroom breaks, lunch, holidays, an annual vacation and a little socializing, and most associates find themselves working evenings and weekends to “make their hours.” Most firms increase financial rewards as an associate’s billables move beyond the stated threshold.
For partners, billable hours are a key measure of associate and partner productivity. More is better. The resulting culture pushes everyone harder. Meanwhile, each partner strives to maximize individual client billings that he or she controls. Those billings in most cases determine a partner’s annual share of the firm’s profits. Their clients also become tickets to other firms. That makes partners reluctant to share too many important client responsibilities with their associates and fellow partners.
For clients, the consequences of the billable-hour system can be absurd. Fatigue through overwork can produce negative returns — the critical document missed during a late-night marathon review; the error in the draft of a corporate filing that goes unnoticed.
Why do clients tolerate this perverse system? Periodically they rebel, especially during economic downturns, but those revolutions have been short-lived and unsuccessful. A 2011 survey by ALM Legal Intelligence, an online data service, found that alternative fee arrangements accounted for only 16 percent of revenues at the nation’s largest law firms in 2010. Despite outcries for reform, the billable hour remains entrenched and the barriers to change are formidable. In many practice areas, including large and lucrative bankruptcy cases, prior court rulings (including the United States Supreme Court’s 2010 opinion in Perdue v. Kenny A.) essentially require lawyers to use the billable-hour approach if they want to assure approval of their fee petitions.
There’s a way out of the mess. But it requires clients to press harder for alternative fee arrangements, courts to back away from policies that embed the billable hour, law firm leaders to stop rewarding excessive associate hours and senior partners to consider the deleterious consequences of their myopic focus on short-term profit-maximizing behavior.
However it comes out, DLA Piper isn’t the first law firm to endure a client billing controversy. While at a big firm, Webster Hubbell, a former Arkansas Supreme Court justice and associate attorney general for President Bill Clinton, was caught billing clients for time that he never worked. He went to prison. A partner in a prominent Chicago law firm got into trouble when someone wondered how he could bill almost 6,000 hours annually over four consecutive years. He couldn’t.
In fact, a cottage industry has now developed in auditing outside law firm invoices to clients. Even so, as the deceit associated with the billable hour continues undetected, equally insidious consequences of the entire system endure. The episodes of public embarrassment will remain infrequent, and the triggers producing them will be idiosyncratic. DLA Piper’s current notoriety began when a former client refused to pay his roughly $675,000 bill. The firm sued him last year, and its internal e-mails about the matter became subject to discovery. Before long, they landed on the front page of The New York Times.
DLA Piper said that the comments of its lawyers were “an inexcusable effort at humor.” What’s really not funny is the toll that the flawed system is taking on a vital profession.
Steven J. Harper, a former partner at the law firm Kirland & Ellis and an adjunct professor at Northwestern University, is the author, most recently, of “The Lawyer Bubble: A Profession in Crisis.”
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For Your Information: 03/15/2013
FTC Approves Final Order Settling Charges Against Equifax Information Services LLC
Following a public comment period, the Federal Trade Commission has approved a final order settling charges that Equifax Information Services LLC violated the Fair Credit Reporting Act and Section 5 of the Federal Trade Commission Act by improperly selling lists of millions of consumers who were late on their mortgages.
In settling the FTC’s complaint, Equifax agreed to pay its full $392,803 gross revenues as disgorgement of its ill-gotten gain from the conduct challenged by the Commission’s complaint. The order also prohibits Equifax from 1) furnishing prescreened lists to anyone that it does not have reason to believe has a permissible purpose to receive them; 2) failing to maintain reasonable procedures designed to limit the furnishing of prescreened lists to anyone except those who have a permissible purpose to receive them; and 3) selling prescreened lists in connection with offers for debt relief products or services and mortgage assistance relief products and services, when advance fees are charged, with limited exceptions.
The Commission vote approving the final order and letters to members of the public who commented on it was 3-0-2, with Commissioner Joshua D. Wright and former Chairman Jon Leibowitz not participating. (FTC File No. 102-3252; the staff contact is Katherine Armstrong, Bureau of Consumer Protection, 202-326-3250; see press release dated October 10, 2012.)
The Federal Trade Commission works for consumers to prevent fraudulent, deceptive, and unfair business practices and to provide information to help spot, stop, and avoid them. To file a complaint in English or Spanish, visit the FTC's online Complaint Assistant or call 1-877-FTC-HELP (1-877-382-4357). The FTC enters complaints into Consumer Sentinel, a secure, online database available to more than 2,000 civil and criminal law enforcement agencies in the U.S. and abroad. The FTC’s website provides free information on a variety of consumer topics. Like the FTC on Facebook, follow us on Twitter, and subscribe to press releases for the latest FTC news and resources.
- MEDIA CONTACT:
- Office of Public Affairs
202-326-2180
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THE NEW YORK TIMES
February 12, 2013
Victimized by Credit Reports
The companies that compile and sell credit reports on 200 million Americans have often dismissed allegations of widespread errors in the reports. But a long-awaited study issued this week by the Federal Trade Commission shows that the problem is quite real — with one in five consumers having confirmed errors in their reports.
Given the evidence, it is imperative that the federal government do more to make the credit-reporting process transparent and to protect consumers from errors that can drive up their borrowing costs and cause them to be denied jobs or be turned away by landlords.
The F.T.C. report, which was required by Congress, is the first major study that examines all of the main components of the consumer credit reporting and scoring system. It is based on work with 1,001 consumers who reviewed a total of nearly 3,000 credit reports with the help of a research associate who helped them identify errors and seek corrections from the credit-reporting companies.
It turned out that 21 percent of the participants found an error in one or more of their credit reports that was later corrected by a credit agency. For more than 5 percent, the errors were serious enough to reduce the credit score, making it more likely that they would have to pay more for things like automobile loans, insurance or mortgages. If the same ratio is true for the general population, as many as 10 million consumers could be living with undeserved financial penalties.
The study’s participants were fortunate to be given help to resolve the mistakes. For some consumers, however, straightening out a bad report is no easy task. Some of those who have had their financial lives ruined by egregious errors try for years to have the mistakes corrected only to have the problems persist. One major reason is that credit-reporting agencies, as well as the creditors and others who furnish them with data, often fail to investigate consumer complaints, allowing errors to live on and on.
The F.T.C. recommends that people check their credit reports regularly, which is a good idea. But that is not nearly enough. Congress could help consumers in other ways. It could require all credit or background check agencies to register with the federal government and to adhere to strict accuracy standards. It could give consumers the right to view all credit information that agencies collect about them.
Finally, it could strengthen an existing law that requires that consumers receive notice when they are denied jobs, credit or are in any way disadvantaged by unfavorable credit report information. Sometimes such notices are never sent; Congress should give the consumers the right to sue when this happens.
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The Redtape Chronicles - NBC News
EXCLUSIVE: Your employer may share your salary, and Equifax might sell that data
By Bob Sullivan
The Equifax credit reporting agency, with the aid of thousands of human resource departments around the country, has assembled what may be the most powerful and thorough private database of Americans’ personal information ever created, containing 190 million employment and salary records covering more than one-third of U.S. adults.
Some of the information in the little-known database, created through an Equifax-owned company called The Work Number, is sold to debt collectors, financial service companies and other entities.
"It's the biggest privacy breach in our time, and it’s legal and no one knows it’s going on," said Robert Mather, who runs a small employment background company named Pre-Employ.com. "It's like a secret CIA."
Despite all the information Americans now share on social media and websites, and all the data we know companies collect on us, one piece of information is still sacred to most people: their salaries. After all, who would post their salary as a status update on Facebook or in a tweet?
But salary information is also for sale by Equifax through The Work Number. Its database is so detailed that it contains week-by-week paystub information dating back years for many individuals, as well as other kinds of human resources-related information, such as health care provider, whether someone has dental insurance and if they’ve ever filed an unemployment claim. In 2009, Equifax said the data covered 30 percent of the U.S. working population, and it now says The Work Number is adding 12 million records annually.
How does Equifax obtain this sensitive and secret information? With the willing aid of thousands of U.S. businesses, including many of the Fortune 500. Government agencies -- representing 85 percent of the federal civilian population, including workers at the Department of Defense, according to Equifax -- and schools also work with The Work Number. Many of them let Equifax tap directly into their data so the credit bureau can always have the latest employment information. In fact, these organizations actually pay Equifax for the privilege of giving away their employees' personal information.
Equifax turns around and sells some of this data to third parties, including debt collectors and other financial services companies.
Equifax declined to be interviewed, but in an emailed statement to NBCNews.com, it confirmed that it shares "employment data" with debt collectors and others, and said it does so in compliance with Fair Credit Reporting Act guidelines.
"In all cases, these entities must have a permissible purpose to request employment information," Equifax spokesman Timothy Klein said.
He also said consumers give these third parties the right to access the data "at the time of application" for credit.
"A consumer grants verifiers (creditors) and their assigned debt collectors the right to verify employment should the consumer default on their account," he said.
Data for debt collectors
Companies sign up for The Work Number because it gives them an easy way to outsource employment verification of former workers. Firms hate taking these calls, which usually come when a former employee is applying for a new job, because they are a costly distraction for human resources departments and open the firm up to lawsuits if someone says something disparaging about the former employee. So they contract with The WorkNumber, which automates the process. In exchange, firms upload their human resources data to The Work Number, which was part of an independent St.Louis-based firm named TALX until it was acquired by Equifax in 2007 for $1.4 billion.
The Work Number offers consumers some benefits. It provides an easy way for prospective landlords to verify an applicant's income, for example. Consumers tell the Work Number they want a one-time access code, which they then give to a landlord so he or she can verify that the potential tenant can really afford the apartment.
But The Work Number serves dual purposes. It’s also a massive database that Equifax monetizes in a variety of ways, despite the reassuring-sounding messages found all over TheWorkNumber.com.
"Can just anyone get my income information from The Work Number?" reads one passage. Answer: "No. You have to give someone authorization to get your income information from the service."
Employers who sign up for the service go to great pains to reassure workers that their data is safe and secret. Columbia University, when it explained to employees it was transitioning to The Work Number, posted this on the school's website:
"You are the only person who can authorize access to your salary information."
But Kathy Sandy of Sommerville, N.J. was surprised to find that a debt collector had accessed information from her report two years ago, something she learned only when she obtained her "consumer disclosure" from The Work Number. Because the data is considered a credit report, consumers are entitled to one free report every year. The report shows what data the report contains, and what entities have seen it.
Sandy's Work Number report, which she shared with NBC News, is 22 pages long -- an amazingly detailed history of every paycheck she had received for years. The first page of the report lists "verifiers who have requested your data in the past 24 months." On the list is "Pressler and Pressler," a law firm that specializes in debt collection. The firm had sued her in small claims court over a credit card debt that she says she was already repaying.
"I found out debt collectors can access this information, which is strange," Sandy said. "I assumed with The Work Number, for that information, you had to have a (passcode) … but they got in, and got it somehow without my consent."
In brochures where Equifax advertises sale of the data, it's not shy about the source.
"The Work Number specializes in employment and income verification. It's direct from the source: the employer. It's current, as of the last pay period. It's delivered quickly -- on demand," says one brochure, titled "Portfolio Monitoring."
In his statement to NBC News, Klein confirmed that "pay rate" information is shared with third parties, including "mortgage, auto and other financial services credit grantors," as authorized under the Fair Credit Reporting Act.
He denied that salary information is sold to debt collectors, however.
"Debt/Collection agencies may request employment information -- which may be nothing more than verifying that a consumer is working where they say they are – if it qualifies under permissible purpose," he wrote. "Collections agencies are not provided salary information."
That contradicts an assertion made recently by Equifax CEO Richard Smith in 2009, when he talked about how detailed The Work Number data is.
"With FirstSearch and TALX we can provide information about a debtor’s location, income and employment," said Smith in an interview published on NYSE Magazine’s website, referring to The Work Number’s former parent company. "That can help prioritize which accounts to pursue first. If they’re employed, that business has a better shot at collecting what is owed to them."
Klein said Smith misspoke when describing TALX’s services, and reiterated that salary information on consumers is not sold to debt collectors.
'Unbelievably scary'
With or without the income data, The Work Number data is incredibly valuable to debt collectors -- and it may come as a surprise to many workers that their employers, directly or unwittingly, help debt collectors.
Equifax markets The Work Number specifically to student loan issuers. In another brochure on the firm's website, Equifax brags that The Work Number makes debt collectors' jobs easier.
"The Work Number produced a 5.5 percent lift in Right Party Contact and a 7.3 percent lift in Collections Resolution versus current skip-trace methods," the "case study" brochure says.
Equifax’s resale of The Work Number data doesn’t stop there. It also offers "portfolio monitoring" to financial firms who might want to market their products to consumers … or to get early warning on someone who might soon land in financial trouble. It calls this "proactive managing of risk."
"The Work Number is part of our employment and income verification service. It provides continual track of changes to your customer or client portfolio, delivered on demand per your schedule," it says. "Simply submit a portfolio of customer or client accounts and The Work Number does the rest. ... Using The Work Number to stay abreast of employment changes can expand your ability to mitigate risk while maximizing product and service potential."
Mather has been in the employer data business for more than 20 years, and he says that if Americans suspected their employers were giving away their personal information to a credit bureau, they'd be shocked.
"The story here is how (The Work Number) is getting this information," he said. "When people find out, no respectable employer will continue to do this."
Larry Ponemon is a privacy expert who operates The Ponemon Institute, a consulting firm. He said he’d never heard of companies selling employer data to debt collectors.
"Are you joking? Oh my god, I'm shocked," Ponemon said when the business was described to him. "This is unbelievably scary. I consider payroll information very sensitive and private." In studies he's conducted, salary data is always among the information consumers say is most private.
"If the public knew about this, there would be such outrage," he said. "It's just ... really depressing."
Paul Stephens, director of policy and advocacy at the Privacy Rights Clearinghouse, had heard of The Work Number, but only because some consumers have complained to his agency that the data in its database is inaccurate. Some workers find that when they try to use the information for employment verification, their titles are outdated or otherwise misrepresent their work history, which can be embarrassing for a job applicant.
When told that the data is sold to third parties, he said he was under the impression the data was not shared.
"I think it is something that would be offensive to many people. One typically considers salary information to be shared by your employer just with IRS," he said.
A glance at the language on The Work Number's website suggested to Stephens that the firm is legally within its rights to share the information, however.
"You get into the 'permissible purpose' doctrine," he said. "Debt collectors have a permissible purpose to look at your credit information. It was my impression that the data was only being given out when employees released it."
'Secret' process?
Data brokers are under heightened scrutiny in Washington, D.C., lately. There are two separate congressional investigations of the industry, and the Federal Trade Commission announced in December that it had begun an inquiry into how brokers obtain their information. Equifax received an inquiry letter from the FTC, but only for the data broker portion of its business involving non-financial data, such as criminal background records and address information.
Credit reporting agencies, such as The Work Number, are distinct from data brokers and are governed by special rules. Ironically, those special rules may open the door for Equifax -- and the credit-reporting side of its business -- to resell the salary information, says Katrina Blodgett, a lawyer with the Federal Trade Commission. She is one the agency’s experts on the Fair Credit Reporting Act.
The FTC filed a case against TALX and Equifax in 2008 for allegedly failing to provide employers with sufficient notice about their disclosure responsibilities under the Fair Credit Reporting Act. Equifax admitted no wrongdoing and paid a small fine.
Blodgett said the Fair Credit Reporting Act and subsequent updates give consumers specific legal rights, such as the ability to dispute errors in credit reports. But it also creates permissible purposes for access, including giving financial service companies the right to review credit reports of consumers they do business with.
"It’s not as easy as it should be to say whether debt collectors can get your consumer reports, because it depends on the circumstance," she said, adding that she believed Equifax could have the right to sell the salary information to debt collectors because it is part of a credit report.
Much attention has been paid to the use of credit reports by human resource departments in recent years, and Congress gave job applicants special rights when a credit report is used during the job interview process. The reverse isn’t true, however, Blodgett pointed out.
"There are special restrictions on how credit reports can be used in hiring decisions, but there are no special restrictions on how employment reports (such as salary information) is used for non-employment purposes," she said.
She said she wasn’t surprised that Equifax is selling the information in The Work Number.
"They are a credit bureau. They sell credit information to lenders," she said.
Mather wants the sale of employee information halted. His firm also performs third-party employment verification, but he does not resell the data he collects.
"I strongly believe there is no reason to resell employee information to debt collectors without the permission of the employer and employee," he said. "This 'secret' process needs to stop. I hope eventually a simple law is passed making it required to get the permission of the employee BEFORE his information is resold. It simply should NOT be used for any other purpose except for employment purposes without permission. In my view, it is a betrayal of trust."
Consumers who want to see what information The Work Number has on their employment history can visit this page on the TheWorkNumber.com. While reports are available online, consumers may have to fill out a form and mail it to The Work Number in some cases.
http://redtape.nbcnews.com/_news/2013/01/30/16762661-exclusive-your-employer-may-share-your-salary-and-equifax-might-sell-that-data?lite
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NEW YORK TIMES
DEAL BOOK
January 7, 2013, 10:30 pm
Rescued by a Bailout, A.I.G. May Sue Its Savior
By BEN PROTESS and MICHAEL J. DE LA MERCED
Fresh from paying back a $182 billion bailout, the American International Group has been running a nationwide advertising campaign with the tagline "Thank you America."
Behind the scenes, the restored insurance company is weighing whether to tell the government agencies that rescued it during the financial crisis: thanks, but you cheated our shareholders.
The board of A.I.G. will meet on Wednesday to consider joining a $25 billion shareholder lawsuit against the government, court records show. The lawsuit does not argue that government help was not needed. It contends that the onerous nature of the rescue - the taking of what became a 92 percent stake in the company, the deal's high interest rates and the funneling of billions to the insurer's Wall Street clients - deprived shareholders of tens of billions of dollars and violated the Fifth Amendment, which prohibits the taking of private property for "public use, without just compensation."
Maurice R. Greenberg, A.I.G.'s former chief executive, who remains a major investor in the company, filed the lawsuit in 2011 on behalf of fellow shareholders. He has since urged A.I.G. to join the case, a move that could nudge the government into settlement talks.
The choice is not a simple one for the insurer. Its board members, most of whom joined after the bailout, owe a duty to shareholders to consider the lawsuit. If the board does not give careful consideration to the case, Mr. Greenberg could challenge its decision to abstain.
Should Mr. Greenberg snare a major settlement without A.I.G., the company could face additional lawsuits from other shareholders. Suing the government would not only placate the 87-year-old former chief, but would put A.I.G. in line for a potential payout.
Yet such a move would almost certainly be widely seen as an audacious display of ingratitude. The action would also threaten to inflame tensions in Washington, where the company has become a byword for excessive risk-taking on Wall Street.
Some government officials are already upset with the company for even seriously entertaining the lawsuit, people briefed on the matter said. The people, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, noted that without the bailout, A.I.G. shareholders would have fared far worse in bankruptcy.
"On the one hand, from a corporate governance perspective, it appears they're being extra cautious and careful," said Frank Partnoy, a former banker who is now a professor of law and finance at the University of San Diego School of Law. "On the other hand, it's a slap in the face to the taxpayer and the government."
For its part, A.I.G. has seized on the significance and complexity of the case, which is filed in both New York and Washington. A federal judge in New York dismissed the case, while the Washington court allowed it to proceed.
"The A.I.G. board of directors takes its fiduciary duties and business judgment responsibilities seriously," said a spokesman, Jon Diat.
On Wednesday, the case will command the spotlight for several hours at A.I.G.'s Lower Manhattan headquarters.
Mr. Greenberg's company, Starr International, will begin with a 45-minute presentation to the board, according to people briefed on the matter. Mr. Greenberg is expected to attend, they added.
It will be an unusual homecoming of sorts for Mr. Greenberg, who ran A.I.G. for nearly four decades until resigning amid investigations into an accounting scandal in 2005. For some years after his abrupt departure, there was bitterness and litigation between the company and its former chief.
After the Starr briefing on Wednesday, lawyers for the Treasury Department and the Federal Reserve Bank of New York - the architects of the bailout and defendants in the cases - will make their presentations. Each side will have a few minutes to rebut.
While the discussions are part of an already scheduled board meeting, securities lawyers say it is rare for an entire board to meet on a single piece of litigation.
"It makes eminent good sense in this case, but I've never heard of this kind of situation," said Henry Hu, a former regulator who is now a professor at the University of Texas School of Law in Austin.
It is unclear whether the directors are leaning toward joining the case. The board said in a court filing that it would probably decide by the end of January.
Until now, the insurance giant has sat on the sidelines. But its delay in making a decision, some officials say, has drawn out the case, forcing the government to pay significant legal costs.
The presentations on Wednesday come on top of hundreds of pages of submissions that the government prepared last year, a time-consuming and costly process. The Justice Department, which assigned about a dozen lawyers to the case and hired outside experts, told a judge handling the matter that Starr was seeking 16 million pages in documents from the government.
"How many?" the startled judge, Thomas C. Wheeler, asked, according to a transcript.
Struck just days after the collapse of Lehman Brothers in September 2008, the bailout of A.I.G. proved to be among the biggest and thorniest of the financial crisis rescues. The company was on the brink of collapse because of deteriorating mortgage securities that it had insured through credit-default swaps.
Starting in 2010, the insurer embarked on a series of moves aimed at repaying its taxpayer-financed bailout, including selling major divisions. It also held a number of stock offerings for the government to reduce its stake, which eventually generated a roughly $22 billion profit.
Overseeing that comeback was a new chief executive, Robert H. Benmosche, a tough-talking longtime insurance executive. Mr. Benmosche has won plaudits, including from government officials, for his managing of A.I.G.'s public relations even as he helped nurse the company back to financial health.
But he and the rest of A.I.G.'s board must now confront an equally pugnacious predecessor in Mr. Greenberg.
In the case against the government, Mr. Greenberg, through his lead lawyer, David Boies, contends that the bailout plan extracted a "punitive" interest rate of more than 14 percent. The government's huge stake in the company also diluted the holdings of existing shareholders like Starr, which at the time was A.I.G.'s largest investor.
"The government has been saying, 'We're your friend, we owned and controlled you and we let you go.' But A.I.G. doesn't owe loyalty to the government," a person close to Mr. Greenberg said. "It owes loyalty to its shareholders."
The government, Starr argues, used billions of dollars from A.I.G. to settle credit-default swaps the insurer had with banks like Goldman Sachs. The deal, according to the lawsuit, empowered the government to carry out a "backdoor bailout" of Wall Street.
Starr argued that the actions violated the Fifth Amendment. "The government is not empowered to trample shareholder and property rights even in the midst of a financial emergency," the Starr complaint says.
The Treasury Department declined to comment. A spokesman for the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, Jack Gutt, said, "There is no merit to these allegations." He noted that "A.I.G.'s board of directors had an alternative choice to borrowing from the Federal Reserve, and that choice was bankruptcy."
A federal judge in Manhattan agreed, dismissing the case in November. In an 89-page opinion, Judge Paul A. Engelmayer wrote that while Starr's complaint "paints a portrait of government treachery worthy of an Oliver Stone movie," the company "voluntarily accepted the hard terms offered by the one and only rescuer that stood between it and imminent bankruptcy."
The United States Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit recently agreed to review the case on an expedited timeline. The judge in the United States Court of Federal Claims in Washington, meanwhile, has declined to dismiss the case and continues to await A.I.G.'s decision.
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BANKRATE.COM
banking
Beat the bank in mandatory arbitration?

Highlights
- Pew study: 98 percent of banks have clauses waiving a jury trial.
- Arbitration clauses save banks money by preventing costly class-action lawsuits.
- Once an arbitrator is selected, you'll be asked to send in a letter to argue your case.
Just say "mandatory arbitration" a couple of times. It may make you feel a little drowsy. But if you ever find yourself in a dispute with your bank or other financial services provider, those two words could determine your chances of successfully resolving it.
Mandatory arbitration clauses are bits of legalese inserted into customer agreements for checking accounts and other financial products, requiring customers to settle disputes with the bank through an arbitrator rather than the courts.
A 2012 study by the Pew Charitable Trusts' Safe Checking in the Electronic Age Project found 66 percent of checking account agreements at the nation's largest banks had mandatory arbitration clauses tucked away inside. Even if the customer agreement allows you to use the court system to challenge your bank, you'll probably still find some restrictions. Of the banks surveyed, a whopping 98 percent had clauses waiving a jury trial; 32 percent had clauses requiring customers to pay some or all legal losses, costs and expenses.
"We found that all the banks restrict consumers from options to resolve their disputes," says Susan Weinstock, project director for Pew's Safe Checking in the Electronic Age Project.
If a majority of large banks forcing consumers into mandatory arbitration seems like a minor point, it's not. There are significant differences between arbitration and trials conducted in the court system, Weinstock says.
Lack of a discovery process means you won't be able to force banks to turn over records and answer questions to help you prove your case. And the results of arbitration are often confidential, so you can't draw any information or precedent from past arbitration cases involving the company or industry, she says.
Banks love arbitration
So why do banks love arbitration clauses so much? Mostly because it saves them money, says Paul Bland, a senior attorney with Public Justice, a public interest law firm in Washington, D.C.
Arbitration clauses save banks money primarily by preventing costly class-action lawsuits. Most clauses prohibit consumers from banding together to sue a financial institution. The downside for consumers is that such prohibitions make it easier for financial institutions to improperly extract cash from customers' pockets a few dollars at a time. Individually, those few dollars wouldn't merit filing an arbitration case, Bland says.
For example, Bland recently handled a case where American Express allegedly underpaid rebates promised to cardholders. Those rebates together probably add up to millions of dollars, but few of the customers who lost out on $100 or less would be willing to take the dispute to arbitration, he says.
"That is a case that can only really be done as a class action," Bland says.
Lack of consumer awareness and hard-to-understand arbitration clauses that vary drastically between banks also may keep consumers from filing complaints, Bland says.
"I talk to a lot of consumers who do not really know what arbitration is and do not really feel like they understand it," he says.
Arbitration is rarely used
Few bank customers ever file cases with arbitrators.
The American Arbitration Association, a leading arbitrator used by many financial institutions, only sees consumers file around 500 cases per year nationwide, says Richard Naimark, an association senior vice president.
Naimark believes that while it's presently small, the number of arbitration cases filed by consumers will rise in the wake of the landmark Supreme Court case, AT&T Mobility LLC v. Concepcion.
That ruling, which made it almost impossible for consumers to get around arbitration clauses, has pushed more banks to adopt the practice, Naimark says.
Public Justice's Bland says that ruling also means that if an arbitration proceeding doesn't go the consumer's way, he or she is stuck with it.
"Once the arbitrator makes a decision, it is almost impossible to get an arbitrator's decision overturned in court," Bland says. "There was one case from the U.S. Court of Appeals from the Third Circuit that said 'glaring errors of law' are not grounds for a returning of the decision."
Data on consumers' chance of success in mandatory arbitration are hard to come by, in part because the results of arbitration claims are usually confidential, Bland says. A 2009 study sponsored by the Searle Civil Justice Institute found that consumers prevail in 53 percent of arbitration cases brought to the American Arbitration Association.
But a 2007 study by Public Citizen found that California credit card customers lost 94 percent of arbitration cases handled by the National Arbitration Forum, which has since been barred from handling consumer cases by a legal settlement with the state of Minnesota.
What to do if arbitration happens to you
If you have to go through arbitration, the proceeding is fairly straightforward, Bland and Naimark agree. You'll initiate the case by filling out a "demand form" on the arbitrator's website and pay a nonrefundable fee. For arbitration association cases involving less than $10,000, the fee is $125; for claims of more than $10,000, it's $375 or more, Naimark says.
Once an arbitrator is selected by the firm, you'll typically be asked to send in a letter arguing your side of the case, along with any evidence you may have. After that, you may have a telephone or in-person hearing that lasts at most a day, after which the arbitrator will rule.
Bland has a few tips for consumers who are thinking about filing a case.
- Read the fine print. Look over your account's terms and conditions and on the arbitration firm's website before proceeding with any type of action. It's easy to make a mistake if you don't know the rules of engagement, Bland says.
- Pick your battles. You may end up picking up the tab for the arbitration firm and the bank's defense if you lose, depending on the rules established by the account agreement. Those costs can far exceed the amount of money in dispute in many cases, Bland says.
- Play for keeps. Once an arbitrator has decided a case, it's nearly impossible to overturn, so be sure you're ready to pursue a case properly before filing with an arbitrator.
- Consider getting an attorney. Arbitration has sometimes been sold as beneficial to consumers because they don't require legal representation, but a lawyer can help you navigate the process more effectively and avoid missteps that could be fatal to your chances of winning.
Help on the way?
If you're considering arbitration, you may want to wait. Under a provision in the Dodd-Frank financial reform law, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau is studying whether arbitration hurts consumers. If their inquiry turns up evidence that it does, the CFPB will decide whether to impose conditions on how arbitration clauses can be used, says CFPB spokeswoman Moira Vahey.
"After the Bureau completes its study, it will assess whether imposing conditions or prohibitions on arbitration clauses would better protect consumers and serve the public interest," she says.
Until then, you can try doing business with institutions that don't have arbitration clauses in their fine print. Not all banks have mandatory arbitration clauses, and some allow new customers to opt out of arbitration when you first sign up for an account by calling a number or speaking with a banker. Either way, if you have an option to avoid arbitration, you probably should, Bland says.
"I think nearly every person who represents consumers or advocates for consumers would recommend that they opt out. The only people who would tell them otherwise would be employees and representatives of banks," he says.
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How Obama’s DOJ Sold Out American Citizens In the Robo-Signing Criminal Plea
Yesterday afternoon there was a critical guilty plea entered in the ongoing robo-signing mess that lies beneath the festering mortgage crisis.
The former executive of a company that provided documentation used by banks in the foreclosure process pleaded guilty to participating in a six-year mortgage-forgery scheme.
The deal announced Tuesday by the Department of Justice represents one of the only successful criminal prosecutions resulting from the “robo-signing” scandal that surfaced two years ago.
Lorraine Brown, 56 years old, of Alpharetta, Ga., who is a former executive of Lender Processing Services Inc., LPS of Jacksonville, Fla., pleaded guilty to a scheme to prepare and file more than one million fraudulently signed and notarized mortgage-related documents.
A criminal guilty plea to straight on systemic fraud like this (here are the pleas documents) ought to have far ranging consequences for home and mortgage holders, not to mention local county recorders, whose quiet title and fee income, respectively, were damaged by the fraud, or at least so you would think.
A long time attorney involved in the field of mortgage fraud, Cynthia Kouril, writing at Firedoglake, laid out well the paths to recourse plaintiffs damaged by this fraud should have:
At the end, I said that this could be a game changer. In the comments, folks thought that was a reference to the fact that for once we have acriminal case which involves a top tier executive. That is a big deal no doubt, but not the reason this could possibly change everything.
Homeowners who are being foreclosed upon based on a document chain that includes documents prepared by DocX/LPS have a built-in defense, and actually a counterclaim against Ms. Brown’s company. The defense is that the bank offering these documents as evidence no longer has any right to rely on them as proof of anything, and any bank offering a DocX or LPS document as evidence after yesterday knows or should know that they are committing a fraud on the court and on the homeowner.
Secondly, it would mean that the bank would be unable in many instances to prove an essential factual element of its case, that the mortgage and/or note was transferred to the foreclosing entity, and the matter would be ripe for a Summary Judgment motion by the defendant homeowner. This ONLY applies if there are DocX or LPS documents in you chain of transfer (just like the various MERS defenses only applied if your mortgage was put into the MERS system). Also, there may be other facts or circumstance in individual cases that would moot this point.
That sounds marvelous for so many homeowners and other victims, but it is not necessarily going to be the case. Why? Because the Obama Administration and their Department of Justice intentionally sabotaged the ability of these victims to use this plea against the co-conspirator banks, mortgage brokers and mortgage servicers. David Dayen of Firedoglake News is one of the only ones who have caught on to this whitewashing by the DOJ:
Sadly, the federal plea deal strains to hold servicers harmless for this conduct. See this key section, from the “Factual Basis” of the plea:
Brown represented to clients that DocX had robust quality control procedures in place to ensure a thorough and proper signing, notarization, and recordation process. As a result of these representations, clients hired DocX [...]
Unbeknownst to DocX’s clients, the Authorized Signers were instructed by Brown and other DocX employees to allow other, unauthorized, DocX employees to sign, and to have the document notarized as if the actual Authorized Singer had executed the document.
This is just bunk. The idea that servicers – arms of the biggest banks in America – were just duped by Lorraine Brown’s claim of “robust quality control procedures” makes no sense whatsoever. They may not have known the mechanics of Brown’s document fraud, but that’s just because they wanted to insert a layer of plausible deniability – in fact for circumstances just like this. But they definitely wanted documents they could use in court to foreclose on borrowers as quickly as possible. And they didn’t exactly have the ability to do that though any other method than fraud.
That is exactly right. The plea allocution expressly covers the banks asses about knowledge of the forgery. So, as it stands now banks and servicers are also “victims” of Lorraine Brown’s fraud. And that is nothing but pure, unadulterated bullshit, specifically manufactured in the plea process by the government to shield the financial industry at the expense of decimated citizen homeowners.
The pleas did NOT need to include that gratuitous financial industry exculpation, it was sheer treachery by the Obama Department of Justice on the citizens they are supposed to be representing. The subject language did absolutely nothing to mitigate, aggravate, nor perform any function whatsoever, as to the parties to the plea, i.e. the government and the defendant, Lorraine Brown. It’s sole function was ass covering and water carrying for the bankers and financial industry.
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American Banker
Is Data Safe at Credit Bureaus?
By John Adams
NOV 1, 2012 1:23pm ET
Experian is feeling the heat in the wake of a hacking at Abilene Telco Federal Credit Union that wound up exposing data at the credit reporting agency, leading Experian to defend its security protocols.
"This issue is indicative of the larger problem of cybercrimes facing many companies and many industries, which is the growing sophistication of financial malware," says Gerry Tschopp, a spokesman for Experian.
Tschopp described the attack is an isolated security issue experienced by a few of its U.S. clients, and not an attack on Experian's systems in North America. The credit union did not return calls for comment by Thursday morning.
The trouble started in 2011 when hackers broke into a staffer's computer at Abilene Telco Federal Credit Union, which is now called First Priority Credit Union. The crooks used an illegally obtained username and password to access an Experian account, where they stole Social Security numbers and financial data on several hundred consumers, including many that were not customers of the credit union. The incident is drawing attention to security at Experian and other credit agencies, where there have been dozens of similar breaches over the past few years. DataLossDB's website says more than 17,000 credit reports have been taken from agencies since 2006, mostly through the use of illegally obtained financial institution online credentials.
While the agencies contend that the attacks are not direct, the companies are still being criticized for not doing enough to protect these types of attacks.
"The crooks used basic credentials to get in. It would have been better to increase and strengthen the type of authentication required," says Al Pascual, an industry analyst for security, risk and fraud for Javelin Strategy & Research.
Experian contends its security requires more than just usernames and passwords, and includes other factors such as geolocation and IP addresses. While Tschopp didn't divulge details on software brands and tech structure, Experian uses a risk-based authentication system coupled with a tech network that monitors and detects anomalies in system access by clients. The system looks for access requests made from unusual locations, at odd times or for a unusual purpose. "We require and expect our clients to routinely and securely manage their authentication credentials to the highest standards and monitor the security of their systems," Tschopp says.
While Experian did not define these "highest" standards, emerging guidance from the Federal Financial Institutions Examination Council (FFIEC) strongly encourages layered authentication. That usually means one mode of communication, such as a mobile phone, is used to confirm authentication in another mode, such as a PC, since it's hard for a crook to compromise two devices at the same time.
"In the instances where credentials might be compromised, our security systems monitor 24/7 for any anomalies that could suggest suspicious activity. These are then flagged immediately to the client, and, as appropriate, to consumers and law enforcement for resolution," Tschopp says.
In the Abilene Telco case, Experian's system alerted the credit union and the consumers affected by the suspicious activity, and Tschopp says Experian ensured that the unauthorized access was disabled.
Demitra Wilson, director of media relations for Equifax, said the company could not provide specifics on security measures, and added it uses authentication and detection systems to prevent and identify unauthorized access to a consumer's file. Those processes also include notifying impacted parties, including government authorities in the situations where it appears personal information may have been inappropriately accessed.
Pascual suggested stronger protections against access from unauthorized origin could enhance protection. One option is device fingerprinting, or the gathering of browser, operating system and connection attributes to generate a risk profile of a device. Device fingerprinting is used to determine if a valid password and username is being used to fraudulently access a network from an invalid device, though it's not a foolproof measure.
"If they are using device fingerprinting to make sure that the machines that are accessing the consumer records are bank machines, that will strengthen the protocol," Pascual says.
Experian referred to its protection as multifactor and noted that in some instances with some clients there is a form of device identification, but did not describe its technology as device fingerprinting.
© 2012 American Banker and SourceMedia, Inc. All Rights Reserved. SourceMedia is an Investcorp company. Use, duplication, or sale of this service, or data contained herein, except as described in the Subscription Agreement, is strictly prohibited.
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ABA Journal
Lawsuit by Disabled Vet Claims Debt-Collection Paralegal Told Him He Should Have Died
Posted Oct 17, 2012 8:09 AM CDT
By Debra Cassens Weiss
A disabled veteran claims in a lawsuit that a paralegal at a debt collection law firm responded with profanities and ill wishes when the veteran asked for release of disability benefits found to be improperly frozen. According to the federal suit by Arizona veteran Michael Collier and his wife, Kim Collier-Dingman, the paralegal responded to Collier with this tirade: “F--- you! Pay us your money! You can't afford an attorney. You owe us. I hope your wife divorces your a--. If you would have served our country better you would not be a disabled veteran living off Social Security while the rest of us honest Americans work our a-- off. Too bad; you should have died.” Stars and Stripes and Courthouse News Service have stories.
The suit alleges violation of the Fair Debt Collection Practices Act by the firm, Gurstel Chargo. The complaint says an attorney for the firm agreed in court to return the money, seized to pay off a defaulted student loan. But in the parking lot after the hearing, the suit alleges, the lawyer told Collier he would have to get a lawyer in order to get his money back.
Gustel Chargo says in a statement posted on Monday that the lawyer for the plaintiffs has not been able to supply information about the phone number from which Collier made the call, an approximate date of the call, and whether the paralegal was male or female. “To date, we have discovered no information to
substantiate the allegations, but our investigation continues,” the statement said. “Should these allegations prove to be true, we will take immediate corrective and disciplinary action.”
The statement adds that "under no circumstances does our firm tolerate the type of conduct alleged in the complaint."
Copyright 2012 American Bar Association. All rights reserved.
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TWENTYNINE PALMS (CBSLA.com)
A crew broke into Alvin and Pat Tjosaas’ desert home and took everything after being directed by Wells Fargo to secure the structure.
The couple, however, didn’t have a mortgage on the home.
Alvin said the deputy sheriff said, “Good news, we know who took (your possessions)…Wells Fargo. Bad news, your stuff is all gone.”
All the married couple has now are three generations of memories.
Alvin, a retired mason, built the home with his father when he was a teenager.
“I know every inch, every rock…my mom mixed all the cement by hand,” he said.
Alvin and his wife would later bring their six children to their desert oasis.
“My little kids (would) come out here and their dresses were the same color as the wildflowers,” said Alvin.
A spokesman for Wells Fargo released a statement apologizing to the couple.
“We are deeply sorry for the very personal losses the Tjosaas family suffered as a result of their home being mistakenly secured,” said Alfredo Padilla. “We are moving quickly to reach out to the family to resolve this unfortunate situation in an attempt to right this wrong.”
Alvin and Pat remain distraught.
“When you put your heart into something…it makes me real sad. I’m just glad I have my sweetheart. We’ve been together a long time,” said Alvin.
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THE CONSUMERIST
We Cosigned Our Unemployed Son’s Student Loans. Now We’re Screwed
By Laura Northrup on August 24, 2012 8:00 AM
If you retain one piece of information from reading this site, let it be this one: never co-sign anyone's student loans. Not your spouse's student loans. Not your best friend's student loans. Not your nephew's student loans. Not even your own child's student loans. It is the worst possible kind of debt to assume on behalf of someone else. The balances can be huge, the debt can't be discharged in bankruptcy, and there's nothing to repossess. That's what anonymous parents M and D have learned, the very hard way.
When their son graduated from college, he had a lot of debt that loan owner Sallie Mae wouldn't allow him to consolidate. He also didn't have a job. Years of deferments, fees, and attempts at changing his payment plan later, their son is in default. The entire balance of the loan is due. And their son just lost his job.
We've had problems with Sallie Mae for years. We had co-signed our sons loans and they were sold to Sallie Mae after he graduated college. They didn't allow him to consolidate and after college my son found himself without a job. He tried to make payments on each of his 5 loans with them and took deferments. However, every time he called to try and get a change to an income based loan he was told he couldn't do that. They added fees, and charges and called him to make deals to change his payments (none of these were ever done in writing although he requested it was told they would send it in writing.) The so called "deals" just made things worst and many times there was no documentation of the changes for lower payments. My son is paying $1200.00 a month in Sallie Mae loans. He owns nothing and rents a room and barely has money to get food. Now, after helping my son over the years with payments they said that he missed an automatic payment and the account is in default.
We checked with the bank and they reviewed the activity on my son's account. They show no attempt made by Sallie Mae to get the payment. So, now they are coming after us with threatening phone calls and timelines. On top of that, our son lost his recent job. We are being told to pay the off the entire amount of that loan, $26,000. within two weeks. RIGHT...LIKE PEOPLE HAVE $26,000 LAYING AROUND! They are not willing to work with us nor retry his account for payment. Each time we call we get someone else and a different story but all threatening us. None of it has been done in writing, yet two people said they would allow us to pay 20% of the loan off within two weeks. Mighty nice of the jerks! Both people came up with different amounts of what was owed. Is there anyway to file grievences or sue Sallie Mae??
We are now being forced to declare Chapter 13 bankruptcy because we don't have $26,000.00 available nor the 8,000.00 they would take as a "good-faith" payment (good-faith in them---are you serious???). We are close to retirement age and this now ruins our credit which we have always worked so hard at keeping up. It also holds us from getting any loans or credit cards for 5 years. We are literally going to be working just to make payments to Sallie Mae and lose all credit with everyone else.
Sallie Mae now owns our lifes. Can anyone help us?
Once a loan reaches default, I'm not sure that even we have the power to help rescue consumers in distress. What we do recommend is that you try calling the Sallie Mae customer advocate line, a sort of executive customer service that readers have told us is more helpful than the regular representatives.
Also, the National Consumer Law Center's Student Loan Borrower Assistance pages offers clear-headed and helpful advice. Reading this entire site should be mandatory for every student about to take on student debt.
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Published: July 2, 2012
CHILDERSBURG, Ala. — Three years ago, Gina Ray, who is now 31 and unemployed, was fined $179 for speeding. She failed to show up at court (she says the ticket bore the wrong date), so her license was revoked.
The New York Times
Childersburg turned to the private sector for probation.
Gina Ray still owes over $3,000, and potentially faces more jail time.
For that driving offense, Ms. Ray has been locked up three times for a total of 40 days and owes $3,170, much of it to the probation company. Her story, in hardscrabble, rural Alabama, where Krispy Kreme promises that “two can dine for $5.99,” is not about innocence.
It is, rather, about the mushrooming of fines and fees levied by money-starved towns across the country and the for-profit businesses that administer the system. The result is that growing numbers of poor people, like Ms. Ray, are ending up jailed and in debt for minor infractions.
“With so many towns economically strapped, there is growing pressure on the courts to bring in money rather than mete out justice,” said Lisa W. Borden, a partner in Baker, Donelson, Bearman, Caldwell & Berkowitz, a large law firm in Birmingham, Ala., who has spent a great deal of time on the issue. “The companies they hire are aggressive. Those arrested are not told about the right to counsel or asked whether they are indigent or offered an alternative to fines and jail. There are real constitutional issues at stake.”
Half a century ago in a landmark case, the Supreme Court ruled that those accused of crimes had to be provided a lawyer if they could not afford one. But in misdemeanors, the right to counsel is rarely brought up, even though defendants can run the risk of jail. The probation companies promise revenue to the towns, while saying they also help offenders, and the defendants often end up lost in a legal Twilight Zone.
Here in Childersburg, where there is no public transportation, Ms. Ray has plenty of company in her plight. Richard Garrett has spent a total of 24 months in jail and owes $10,000, all for traffic and license violations that began a decade ago. A onetime employee of United States Steel, Mr. Garrett is suffering from health difficulties and is without work. William M. Dawson, a Birmingham lawyer and Democratic Party activist, has filed a lawsuit for Mr. Garrett and others against the local authorities and the probation company, Judicial Correction Services, which is based in Georgia.
“The Supreme Court has made clear that it is unconstitutional to jail people just because they can’t pay a fine,” Mr. Dawson said in an interview.
In Georgia, three dozen for-profit probation companies operate in hundreds of courts, and there have been similar lawsuits. In one, Randy Miller, 39, an Iraq war veteran who had lost his job, was jailed after failing to make child support payments of $860 a month. In another, Hills McGee, with a monthly income of $243 in veterans benefits, was charged with public drunkenness, assessed $270 by a court and put on probation through a private company. The company added a $15 enrollment fee and $39 in monthly fees. That put his total for a year above $700, which Mr. McGee, 53, struggled to meet before being jailed for failing to pay it all.
“These companies are bill collectors, but they are given the authority to say to someone that if he doesn’t pay, he is going to jail,” said John B. Long, a lawyer in Augusta, Ga., who is taking the issue to a federal appeals court this fall. “There are things like garbage collection where private companies are O.K. No one’s liberty is affected. The closer you get to locking someone up, the closer you get to a constitutional issue.”
The issue of using the courts to produce income has caught the attention of the country’s legal establishment. A recent study by the nonpartisan Conference of State Court Administrators, “Courts Are Not Revenue Centers,” said that in traffic violations, “court leaders face the greatest challenge in ensuring that fines, fees and surcharges are not simply an alternate form of taxation.”
J. Scott Vowell, the presiding judge of Alabama’s 10th Judicial Circuit, said in an interview that his state’s Legislature, like many across the country, was pressuring courts to produce revenue, and that some legislators even believed courts should be financially self-sufficient.
In a 2010 study, the Brennan Center for Justice at the New York University School of Law examined the fee structure in the 15 states — including California, Florida and Texas — with the largest prison populations. It asserted: “Many states are imposing new and often onerous ‘user fees’ on individuals with criminal convictions. Yet far from being easy money, these fees impose severe — and often hidden — costs on communities, taxpayers and indigent people convicted of crimes. They create new paths to prison for those unable to pay their debts and make it harder to find employment and housing as well as to meet child support obligations.”
Most of those fees are for felonies and do not involve private probation companies, which have so far been limited to chasing those guilty of misdemeanors. A decade or two ago, many states abandoned pursuing misdemeanor fees because it was time-consuming and costly. Companies like Judicial Correction Services saw an opportunity. They charge public authorities nothing and make their money by adding fees onto the bills of the defendants.
Stephen B. Bright, president of the Southern Center for Human Rights, who teaches at Yale Law School, said courts were increasingly using fees “for such things as the retirement funds for various court officials, law enforcement functions such as police training and crime laboratories, victim assistance programs and even the court’s computer system.” He added, “In one county in Pennsylvania, 26 different fees totaling $2,500 are assessed in addition to the fine.”
Mr. Dawson’s Alabama lawsuit alleges that Judicial Correction Services does not discuss alternatives to fines or jail and that its training manual “is devoid of any discussion of indigency or waiver of fees.”
In a joint telephone interview, two senior officials of Judicial Correction Services, Robert H. McMichael, its chief executive, and Kevin Egan, its chief marketing officer, rejected the lawsuit’s accusations. They said that the company does try to help those in need, but that the authority to determine who is indigent rests with the court, not the company.
“We hear a lot of ‘I can’t pay the fee,’ ” Mr. Egan said. “It is not our job to figure that out. Only the judge can make that determination.” Mr. Egan said his company had doubled the number of completed sentences where it is employed to more than two-thirds, from about one-third, and that this serves the company, the towns and the defendant. “Our job is to keep people out of jail,” he said. “We have a financial interest in getting them to comply. If they don’t pay, we don’t get paid.”
Mr. Bright, of the Southern Center for Human Rights, said that with the private companies seeking a profit, with courts in need of income and with the most vulnerable caught up in the system, “we end up balancing the budget on the backs of the poorest people in society.”
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Courthouse News Service
'This Happens All the Time,' Hey?
July 9, 2012
By IULIA FILIP
SAVANNAH, Ga. (CN) - A bounty hunter dragged a woman from her home and took her to jail, and when he found out he'd arrested the wrong person he refused to take her back home unless she gave him gas money, the woman claims in court.
Becki Terry sued Savannah Bail Bonding and its John Doe employee, in Chatham County State Court.
Terry claims she was at home with her fiancé on Feb. 27 when Doe knocked on the door and asked for her. Doe told her she was under arrest and asked her to come with him, without any explanation, according to the complaint.
"Ms. Terry pleaded with the man: she told him that there were no charges pending against her," the complaint states. "The man, without explanation, grabbed her and handcuffed her. Ms. Terry was still undressed - her fiancé begged the man to allow her to clothe herself before he led her from her home. Once Ms. Terry was dressed, the man took her to his car."
Doe took her to the Chatham County jail, where he identified himself to a corporal as a bail bondsman for Savannah Bail Bonding, according to the complaint. But the corporal found no arrest paperwork for Terry and told Doe to take her back home.
"The bondsman refused to take Ms. Terry home unless she paid him gas money," the complaint states. "Ms. Terry called her fiancé, who was forced to pay the man $20 before he would let her free."
Terry says she called Savannah Bail Bonding to demand an explanation, and it told her they were "sorry" and that this "happens all the time."
She says the company refused to give her the name of the bounty hunter.
She seeks compensatory and punitive damages for negligence, battery, false arrest, false imprisonment and infliction of emotional distress.